{"id":24065,"date":"2014-03-10T14:58:55","date_gmt":"2014-03-10T13:58:55","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/pointblanknews.com\/pbn\/?p=24065"},"modified":"2014-03-10T14:58:55","modified_gmt":"2014-03-10T13:58:55","slug":"inec-shame-on-the-opposition","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/pointblanknews.com\/pbn\/articles-opinions\/inec-shame-on-the-opposition\/","title":{"rendered":"INEC: Shame on the opposition"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><strong><em>\u00a0BySKC Ogbonia,<\/em><\/strong><br \/>\nPh.D.SKCOgbonnia@firsttexasenergy.comHouston, Texas<\/p>\n<p>One of the earliest\u00a0lessons I learned from my father, Ilogebe Ogbonnia, the Ikeoha, is that a<br \/>\nhabit of excuses is an existential catalyst for failure. Nowhere is this<br \/>\nadage more evident than the attitude of Nigerian opposition parties toward<br \/>\nthe Independent National Election Commission (INEC). Perhaps it is no<br \/>\nlonger news that the INEC has been the common excuse for failures in the<br \/>\ndifferent elections in the Fourth Republic. But with the 2015 general<br \/>\nelections around the corner, and even in midst of efforts in the National<br \/>\nAssembly to amend electoral laws, recent events show that the opposition<br \/>\nis already positioning a fore excuse for another failure. This problem is<br \/>\nrooted on the long-standing scape-goating of the different chairmen of the<br \/>\nNigerian electoral body and its officials. Even though such excuse is<br \/>\ngenuine, it masks an inner foolishness for the opposition not to have<br \/>\nrecognized that expecting a commission fully controlled by a partisan<br \/>\nexecutive arm of the government to produce free and fair elections is no<br \/>\ndifferent from perceiving a stench as an aroma. The case of Maurice Iwu,<br \/>\nthe chairman of Independent National Election Commission (INEC) in the<br \/>\ncontroversial elections of 2007 is still fresh in our memory. In the eyes<br \/>\nof the opposition, Professor Maurice Iwu was the problem and the problem<br \/>\nwas Professor Iwu. President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan obliged and swiftly<br \/>\nreplaced Iwu with Attahiru Jega, another radical professor, then generally<br \/>\nhailed as the Election Messiah. Yet, after 2011 elections, we are back to<br \/>\nsquare one. According to Muhammadu Buhari of CPC, the main opponent of<br \/>\nPresident Jonathan in the 2011 elections, What happened in this year\u00e2\u20ac\u2122s<br \/>\nelections eclipsed all the other elections in the depth and scope of<br \/>\nforgery and rigging. Initially there were high hopes that after 2003 and<br \/>\n2007 a semblance of electoral propriety would be witnessed. The new<br \/>\nchairman of INEC, Professor Jega, was touted as competent and a man of<br \/>\nintegrity. He has proved neither. (As quoted in Vanguard Newspaper,<br \/>\nDecember 28, 2011) For the national chairman of the then frontline<br \/>\nopposition party, Action Congress of Nigeria, Bisi Akande: The intention<br \/>\nof the INEC was to have it right, but what you see is total manipulation<br \/>\nparticularly by the security agencies and the lower level of INEC staff<br \/>\nbecause the PDP induced people with plenty of money. They managed to use<br \/>\nmoney to manipulate the INEC officials at the lower level of the<br \/>\ncommission and they used them to intimidate and to falsify the results of<br \/>\nthe election. (As quoted in Daily Sun, April 15, 2011) To cap it all,<br \/>\nafter the 2014 Anambra governorship election, widely seen as the pretest<br \/>\nof Nigeria\u00e2\u20ac\u2122s general elections of 2015, the opposition (including PDP in<br \/>\nthis case) also accused the INEC of colluding with security agents to rig<br \/>\nthe elections in favor of the state ruling APGA. The PDP candidate, Tony<br \/>\nNwonye, had this to say: Since the history of elections, I have always<br \/>\nknown of a conspiracy by incumbents, but this one by Peter Obi is<br \/>\nmonumental. I have never seen an election where the security agent and the<br \/>\nINEC collude to subdue other political parties. (As quoted in Daily Post,<br \/>\nNovember 17, 2013) This sweeping rebuke of INEC by the political elites is<br \/>\na rude awakening. The inmost gist is that the problem has gone nowhere<br \/>\ndespite the replacement of a distinguished professor with another. It<br \/>\napparently explains why a broad spectrum of observers has continued to<br \/>\nridicule the degree of the mass ignorance. A maverick senator, Arthur<br \/>\nNzeribe, jumpstarted the debate by arguing that the serial attempts to<br \/>\nfocus solely on the perceived individual abilities of the chairman rather<br \/>\nthan the nucleus of the problem was height of hypocrisy (This Day, January<br \/>\n26, 2009). An unbiased umpire, the Rev. Fr. Mathew Kukah followed by<br \/>\ncautioning that the mere replacement of Maurice Iwu, the individual, would<br \/>\nnot always guarantee free and fair elections in the future\u00e2\u20ac\u201dnoting that,<br \/>\n&#8220;the very fact that we say we are looking for a person of integrity does<br \/>\nnot mean that anybody that gets there would not become a crook&#8221; (As quoted<br \/>\nin Sunday Guardian, March 29, 2009). And Professor Okon Uya, a former<br \/>\nchairman of National Electoral Commission, would later place the matter<br \/>\nexactly how and where it belongs: There is no gainsaying that a leader<br \/>\nwith deep sense of independence and fairness is desirable for the headship<br \/>\nof the electoral commission, but the success of any election is far beyond<br \/>\nthe ability of a single individual (Daily Sun, February 28, 2011). Unless<br \/>\nit is enmeshed in sheer amnesia, these incisive viewpoints were sufficient<br \/>\nto have provoked the opposition to think otherwise. After all, virtually<br \/>\nall heads of Nigeria\u00e2\u20ac\u2122s electoral commission in history have been men<br \/>\nwith outstanding pedigrees before appointment. That is, even if the<br \/>\npresident is to appoint a given chairman that is most credible, who<br \/>\ncheckmates him or her to ensure that the real goals and objectives of the<br \/>\nelectoral commission are being fulfilled? Other than the national<br \/>\nchairman, who are the other electoral officers at the national and zonal<br \/>\nlevels, in the states, local governments, wards, and in the polling<br \/>\nbooths? How credible, how efficient, and how independent are these<br \/>\nelectoral officers? Who are the contractors and other personnel vested<br \/>\nwith the responsibility of providing the logistics for the elections? How<br \/>\nindependent and neutral are the security agents and Judiciary in the<br \/>\nprocess of these Nigerian elections? A review of the last Electoral<br \/>\nReform Committee (ERC) suggests that some of these questions might have<br \/>\nbeen hovering in the minds of its members when they recommended among<br \/>\nother things the following: a) the National Judicial Council should<br \/>\nappoint the chairman b) the commission should include members of<br \/>\nindependent organizations, such as the Labor Union or the News-Media.<br \/>\nWhile those considerations have their merits, the question remains: who<br \/>\nare these individuals that would work hand in hand with the<br \/>\nchairman\u00e2\u20ac\u201dagents of the ruling party or the opposition? How will the<br \/>\nso-called National Judicial Council be different from judges or other<br \/>\nelectoral agents who are always manipulated by the party in power? How<br \/>\nmany truly independent members of the Labor Union or the News-Media are<br \/>\nthere to recruit? How many independent NLC or pressmen are available and<br \/>\ncan abandon their jobs to man the over 120,000 polling booths? It is true<br \/>\nthat INEC eventually recruited members of the National Youth Service Corps<br \/>\n(NYSC) as Ad-hoc staff in the 2011 elections, but how can such susceptible<br \/>\ninexperienced staff (usually in their mid-twenties) not be easily<br \/>\nintimidated and influenced by powerful party agents and money bags at the<br \/>\npolling booths as were alleged in the pilot exercise of 2011? Another<br \/>\nscheme used in the 2011 elections was the deployment of highly placed<br \/>\nuniversity professors as Resident Electoral Commissioners. But does the<br \/>\nopposition expect these university dons to be so different from most<br \/>\nfailed politicians, who had also distinguished themselves in previous<br \/>\ncareers before turning to politics? How do they expect that the university<br \/>\nrecruits would not be wholly subservient to the ruling parties at the<br \/>\nstates where their universities are located? Any honest answer to any of<br \/>\nthese endless questions will reveal that while the INEC and its various<br \/>\npersonnel might have role to play in the different electoral malpractices,<br \/>\nit smacks of crass ignorance on part of the opposition to act as if one<br \/>\nneeds to be told that the outcomes of most national elections<br \/>\n(particularly 2003, 2007, and 2011 polls) were fait accompli\u00e2\u20ac\u201dfar<br \/>\ndetermined even before the electoral officials began their job. A former<br \/>\nChief Justice of Nigeria and the chairman of the 2008 Electoral Reform<br \/>\nCommittee (ERC), Mohammed Uwais had alluded to this irony when he remarked<br \/>\nthat the hoopla about free and fair elections without creating the<br \/>\nenabling conditions was pure baloney (Nigerian Guardian, December 1,<br \/>\n2010). Common sense dictates that the emphasis ought to have been on<br \/>\ncreating a truly independent electoral commission before discussing<br \/>\nelections. Yet, the opposition did nothing and still doing nothing serious<br \/>\ntoward producing a reliable electoral body. To improve the system,<br \/>\nparticularly with the current debate on electoral reform in the<br \/>\nlegislature, the opposition parties should without further delay compel<br \/>\nPresident Goodluck Jonathan to truly support changes to the electoral<br \/>\ncommission in two important ways: First is to create a commission composed<br \/>\nrepresentatives from the ruling party and the opposition. A structure with<br \/>\nmembers drawn from the ruling parties and representatives of truly<br \/>\nqualified opposition parties at the different levels of government will<br \/>\nstrengthen the needed checks and balances within the commission itself. It<br \/>\nhas the potential to facilitate the enabling environment for effective<br \/>\nleadership of the commission, ensure and sustain true independence<br \/>\nthroughout the width and breadth of the commission, and guarantee fairness<br \/>\nto the parties involved. To abridge the inherent partisanship, the<br \/>\nproposed structure can be augmented with a select few drawn from the civil<br \/>\nsociety: the Nigerian Labor Congress, NYSC, Judiciary; and the security<br \/>\nagents. In simple terms, the qualified political parties themselves should<br \/>\nsubmit members with clear party affiliations to the new council. The<br \/>\ncentral idea is that the different phases of the election from top<br \/>\nleadership to other areas, including but not limited to handling and<br \/>\ndistribution of election materials, accreditation, supervision, voting,<br \/>\ncollation, tabulations and declarations (or cancellations) of<br \/>\nresults\u00e2\u20ac\u201dfrom the national level to polling stations\u00e2\u20ac\u201dmust be guarded<br \/>\nand managed by an election team with full view and representation of<br \/>\nmembers of qualified parties. This approach can forestall the likelihood<br \/>\nof situations where, in absence of opposition party agents, the INEC and<br \/>\nits leadership connive with the ruling or favored party to manipulate<br \/>\nelectoral outcomes. The proposal parallels the position of the main<br \/>\nopposition party in the 2007 election, the All Nigeria\u00e2\u20ac\u2122s Peoples Party<br \/>\n(ANPP), where it\u00e2\u20ac\u2122s National Publicity Secretary, Emmanuel Enenkwu,<br \/>\ncanvassed for members of the different political parties to be included in<br \/>\nthe leadership of INEC (Champion Newspaper, August 24, 2007). The<br \/>\nobjective fact here is that true independence or neutrality is far beyond<br \/>\nthe mere appointment of a national chairman; it is more attainable in an<br \/>\nenvironment that deters or checkmates the group or individual from acting<br \/>\notherwise. Also important, the council members or the observers of<br \/>\nelections in the different poll stations should be recruited from the<br \/>\nimmediate communities where their antecedents are better-known. Second,<br \/>\ngiven that most individual elections in Nigeria are already being financed<br \/>\nthrough looted funds from government treasury; similar to the<br \/>\nMcCain-Feingold in the United States of America, without the choice for<br \/>\nindividual contributions, Nigeria should adopt full public funding for<br \/>\ninter-party elections. Thank God that this proposal will not be burdened<br \/>\nby the number of parties as once imagined. The opposition is now gradually<br \/>\nevolving to the desired two-party structure after finally realizing that<br \/>\nmultiplicity of parties was a pyrrhic victory in the first place. Even<br \/>\nmore, in absence of a two-party structure, to frustrate political<br \/>\nmerchants who would like to capitalize on the loopholes of the government<br \/>\nfunding, more stringent conditions should be set for registration as well<br \/>\nas participation of parties in elections. Alternatively or<br \/>\nsimultaneously, the opposition should ensure that that the proposed<br \/>\nCashless Policy is fully implemented and INEC strengthened to enforce<br \/>\nextant laws on campaign finance. For instance, despite the fact that the<br \/>\n1999 Constitution and the Electoral Acts of 2002, 2006, and 2010<br \/>\nstipulated specific guidelines for campaign finance and attendant<br \/>\npenalties, neither Presidents Goodluck Jonathan, Umaru Yar\u00e2\u20ac\u2122Adua, nor<br \/>\nPresident Olusegun Obasanjo before them could account for the tens of<br \/>\nbillions of naira sunk into their respective political campaigns. Of<br \/>\ncourse, there has been some musings here and there on the issue of<br \/>\nexcessive use of money and its source, with aggrieved parties occasionally<br \/>\nhollering, but none of the political parties or individuals has registered<br \/>\nany solid official complaint\u00e2\u20ac\u201deither because of their own culpability or<br \/>\nthe simple truth that INEC is not designed to implement the relevant<br \/>\ncampaign laws ab initio. Not even the Nigeria&#8217;s promising news media,<br \/>\nknown for free and sensational journalism, could charge their searchlights<br \/>\nwhen it comes to campaign finance. No one was or is authoritatively<br \/>\nasking: How did President Goodluck Jonathan and former Vice President<br \/>\nAtiku Abubakar source the funds to openly \u00e2\u20ac\u0153settle\u00e2\u20ac the delegates who<br \/>\nvoted for them in the epic 2011 PDP presidential primary election? What<br \/>\nis the source of money Jonathan used to prosecute his cross-country<br \/>\ncampaign while his opponents were stalled to their regional enclaves?<br \/>\nConversely, how in the world did an ex-police commissioner, Nuhu Ribadu,<br \/>\nsuddenly land the money to offset his campaign bills? Just wait\u00e2\u20ac\u00a6 To make<br \/>\nmatters worse, the very commission entrusted with monitoring electoral<br \/>\nfinance is notoriously nonchalant with this important responsibility. In<br \/>\nfact, the current Chairman of INEC, Attahiru Jega, had to confess that<br \/>\neven though the Electoral Act empowers it to monitor sources and nature of<br \/>\nfunding, the \u00e2\u20ac\u0153INEC does not even have a desk that handles campaign<br \/>\nfinancing\u00e2\u20ac (As quoted in Vanguard Newspaper, May 8, 2011). While this<br \/>\nutter negligence was enough to have provoked a guided mass action, the<br \/>\nNigerian opposition seems to have coolly joined the chorus. The following<br \/>\nproclamation by Nuhu Ribadu, the presidential candidate of Action Congress<br \/>\nof Nigeria, and a former corruption czar, is an exclamation point: \u00e2\u20ac\u0153I<br \/>\nwon\u00e2\u20ac\u2122t bother myself with the integrity of politicians that will fund my<br \/>\ncampaign. I will take corrupt politician\u00e2\u20ac\u2122s money for my campaign as far<br \/>\nas the money is not put in my pocket\u00e2\u20ac (As quoted in Vanguard Newspaper,<br \/>\nMarch 20, 2011). The most annoying aspect is that some of Ribadu\u00e2\u20ac\u2122s major<br \/>\ndonors were ex-governors who were indicted for looting state treasury<br \/>\nunder the watchful eyes of the same Ribadu. Besides, the very thought of<br \/>\nthe opposition competing to outdo a ruling party with looted funds is not<br \/>\nonly height of hypocrisy but also of infamy. The opposition apologists<br \/>\nare expected to roar back here with another excuse. They will cling on the<br \/>\nreigning Nigerian political value system which readily insinuates that the<br \/>\nopposition leaders have to find any means necessary to gain power first<br \/>\nbefore demonstrating the perceived sense of prudence. But such thinking<br \/>\nought to be quashed once and for all: A simple scan of history in the<br \/>\nFourth Republic profoundly reveals that the success of the opposition in<br \/>\ndifferent elections across the country has never been because of superior<br \/>\nfinancial power over ruling parties. This should in no way be misconstrued<br \/>\nas saying that money has no role to play. None of that! In fact, money is<br \/>\nas important to politics as water is to fish, but there are better ways of<br \/>\nraising money than queuing at the domains of rogue politicians. And make<br \/>\nno mistake about this: The Nigerian masses may be down but they are<br \/>\ndefinitely not out. We have not yet forgotten that corrupt military<br \/>\nbrigade that funded President Olusegun Obasanjo\u00e2\u20ac\u2122s elections enjoyed<br \/>\nimmunity while he was in power. The masses still remember that President<br \/>\nUmaru Yar\u00e2\u20ac\u2122Adua\u00e2\u20ac\u2122s disinclination to investigate clear cases of<br \/>\ncorruption by his predecessor and some ex-governors is attributed to the<br \/>\nsource of funds used in ushering him (Yar\u00e2\u20ac\u2122Adua) to power. Ditto<br \/>\nPresident Goodluck Jonathan. But given that opposition leaders also accept<br \/>\nlooted funds from government treasury, how and why should the masses then<br \/>\nview them as credible alternatives? The answer is that the whole world is<br \/>\ntired of what is going on. We are very tired and afraid that the power<br \/>\nstruggles is to replace existing leaders with others whose visions would<br \/>\nnot be different from those of their predecessors. Perhaps the<br \/>\nopposition could drop one final mundane excuse: President Jonathan would<br \/>\nnot yield to pragmatic changes to INEC. Although recent events may prove<br \/>\notherwise, but should the president dare toe that path, the opposition<br \/>\nshould courageously boycott the 2015 elections, and the masses will and<br \/>\nshould follow. This approach is so potent because, apart from the fact<br \/>\nthat Jonathan would not like to end as an Abacha monocrat; continuing to<br \/>\nengage in elections with predetermined results is a mindless waste of<br \/>\nnational resources. Further, unless you have not been following, Goodluck<br \/>\nJonathan is very accommodating\u00e2\u20ac\u201dprobably the kindest president ever. He<br \/>\nis kind to the good\u00e2\u20ac\u201dand probably kinder to the bad. But while the latter<br \/>\nhave already capitalized to accomplish their sole objective of milking the<br \/>\ncountry dry, and without qualms; the former (particularly the opposition)<br \/>\nis caught moping\u00e2\u20ac\u201dcontinuing to fail to take advantage of the unique<br \/>\nkindness to provide a viable alternative to the masses. Very daringly,<br \/>\nhis humble look notwithstanding, President Goodluck Ebele Azikiwe Jonathan<br \/>\nis no man\u00e2\u20ac\u2122s fool. This man who went to school without shoes knows very<br \/>\nwell that even as he truly means well for the ordinary people, and should;<br \/>\nthe leadership crisis is tipping the critical threshold for revolution,<br \/>\nand the political logic of resisting change no longer favors him. Jonathan<br \/>\ncan remember vividly that blind leadership made it possible for mere<br \/>\nclandestine organizations to dethrone the military power. The man can also<br \/>\nrecall that stern opposition with unity of purpose rubbished Obasanjo\u00e2\u20ac\u2122s<br \/>\nthird term ambition as well as his legacy. More poignantly, the president<br \/>\nis quite aware that any effort in Nigeria similar to Arab Spring will not<br \/>\nonly doom him for life but will also gain worldwide support. Thusly, the<br \/>\nbrother is wise enough to grasp that a change through civil opposition is<br \/>\nby far a safer alternative. The problem is the failure of the opposition<br \/>\nto read the mood of both the president and the people they are hoping to<br \/>\nlead. This problem is squarely a lack of a dynamic opposition party\u00e2\u20ac\u201done<br \/>\nthat is visionary, focused, capable of differentiating itself from the<br \/>\nruling party, capable of providing the desired checks and balances toward<br \/>\neffective national leadership; and ready, willing, and able to replace the<br \/>\nparty in power. SKC Ogbonnia<\/p>\n<p>================SKC Ogbonnia, Ph.D.<br \/>\nExecutive ChairmanFirst Texas Energy Corporation<br \/>\n14133 Memorial Drive<br \/>\nHouston, TX 77079Office: 281-558-2233<br \/>\nPhone: 281-802-3449<br \/>\nCC:218-486-1600-Code:330667<br \/>\nWebsite: www.firsttexasenergy.com<br \/>\n&#8230;leading with integrity in the Oil &amp;amp; Gas sector<\/p>\n<!-- AddThis Advanced Settings generic via filter on the_content --><!-- AddThis Share Buttons generic via filter on the_content --><!-- AddThis Related Posts generic via filter on the_content -->","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>\u00a0BySKC Ogbonia, Ph.D.SKCOgbonnia@firsttexasenergy.comHouston, Texas One of the earliest\u00a0lessons I learned from my father, Ilogebe Ogbonnia, the Ikeoha, is that a habit of excuses is an existential catalyst for failure. Nowhere&hellip;<!-- AddThis Advanced Settings generic via filter on wp_trim_excerpt --><!-- AddThis Share Buttons generic via filter on wp_trim_excerpt --><!-- AddThis Related Posts generic via filter on wp_trim_excerpt --><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":7682,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_lmt_disableupdate":"","_lmt_disable":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[7],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-24065","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-articles-opinions"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v26.8 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>INEC: Shame on the opposition - Pointblank News<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/pointblanknews.com\/pbn\/articles-opinions\/inec-shame-on-the-opposition\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"INEC: Shame on the opposition - Pointblank News\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"\u00a0BySKC Ogbonia, Ph.D.SKCOgbonnia@firsttexasenergy.comHouston, Texas One of the earliest\u00a0lessons I learned from my father, Ilogebe Ogbonnia, the Ikeoha, is that a habit of excuses is an existential catalyst for failure. 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