Date Published: 11/01/11

Abia Assembly on the scale

Gov. T.A. Orji

Since the return of democracy in 1999, the Abia state House of Assembly has been a vibrant legislature. The situation seem to have changed with the present status of the Abia House as a one party legislature where the People Democratic Party (PDP), won all the 24 seats. Abians have called on the lawmakers to rise above partisan interest and legislate for the development of the state.

It is often said by political analysts that a virile and purpose –driven opposition party would enhance the growth of our fledging democracy. For democracy to thrive, a vibrant opposition party is needed to keep the ruling party on its toes.

        The Abia state House of Assembly became a one party legislature in July 2010 when the 16 members elected on the platform of the Progressive Peoples Alliance [PPA] in 2007, joined Gov. Theodore Orji to return to the Peoples Democratic Party [PDP].Thus, a change was effected in the nomenclature of some functionaries of the House to reflect the development.

      The Majority Leader is now addressed as the Leader, while    the Chief Whip became the Whip. There is also the deputy Leader and the Deputy Whip of the House.

    In the present House, the PDP won all the 24 seats . Observers of activities at the Assembly view the House as an extension of the government house with the way it failed to check the excesses of the executive arm. Reliable sources who have monitored the activities of the present Assembly since it was inaugurated on June 8, 2011, posit that the House is not known to have turned down any executive bill. Communications from the executive are always passed without delay as such are hardly scrutinized.

For instance, the House pandered to the whims of the Executive arm after it failed to screen and confirm Hon. Justice Ijeoma Offonry, who was recommended by the National Judicial Council (NJC) , for the position of the substantive Chief Judge of the state. Some legal practitioners in the state have alluded the non confirmation of Offonry to her record as a ‘no nonsense judge’. The Aba Branch of the Nigerian Bar Association(NBA), have also been blacklisted by the Abia government over its insistence on the confirmation of Offonry as recommended by the NJC. A member of the Bar who spoke on the condition of anonymity hinted that, ”Justice Offonry is a uncompromising judge. She is someone whom the    government would find it difficult to work with.”

In another gaffe, the Abia state    House of Assembly approved the increased Gov. Orji’s security vote to a staggering amount of N1billion, from the previous amount of N750million. To express his admiration for the increase, Gov. Orji was said to have extended a loan of N30million to each member of the House. The increase in the security vote has been roundly condemned by a cross section of the people of the state, who marvel at the profligacy of her elected officials, when critical sectors are begging for attention.

The present House is also, not    known to have passed any motion calling on the governor to address the poor state of infrastructure in Aba, the commercial capital of the state.

    Keen observers of events at the House revealed that, in early 2007, when Gov. Orji was still under the influence of his former godfather, Orji Uzor Kalu, there was controversy over the naming of the Abia Liaison Office, Abuja, after Kalu. According to a member of the then 8 man PDP caucus in the House who pleaded anonymity, a decision was taken to oppose the naming of the building after former governor Kalu. He said that when the motion was raised on the floor of the House, other members of the minority PDP caucus expected their leader, Humphery Azubuike (Ugwunagbor state Constituency), to lead an argument against it but he instead, supported the motion. Such attitude was least expected    from an opposition party who should have led the charge to address the misgovernance of the Orji Kalu years.

        Political analysts have argued that the Abia House was lively between 1999 and 2003 when there was a viable opposition party;    4 members of the then All Peoples party[APP] and “men of timbre    and caliber” from the ruling PDP. It was gathered that though the PDP dominated the Assembly, the House was one where members were lauded for keeping Kalu’s administration in check.

     As at that time one could enjoy quality debates from the likes of Christopher Enwerenmadu [Isiala Ngwa north]; Kingsley Mgbeahuru [Osisioma Ngwa North]; Samson Orji[Arochukwu]; Chima Ochieze [Obingwa West];Dan Egbeogu [Umuahia East]; Tony Okoro Kalu [Ohafia North] ; Ngozi Ulunwa [Ukwa West]; Orji Lekwauwa [Bende North] and Nnamdi Harriwe Egege [Aba central].

           The opposition party in the House, APP, which later changed its name to All Nigerian Peoples Party[ANPP], had some activist    lawmakers like Kingsley Mgbeahuru, Matthew Ochiobi [Isiala Ngwa South] ; Obioma Ekpem [Aba South] and Donatus Nwankpa [Osisoma Ngwa South]. It was due to the independence of the House that the then Speaker, Nkem Ike was impeached. His successor, Christopher Enwerenmadu and his deputy, Nnamdi Egege, couldn’t last long as they were also impeached, allegedly by a faction loyal to Kalu. In one occasion, Kalu was said to have unleashed the students of the Abia state University, Uturu on the Assembly during a sitting in which the House was reported to be considering initiating an impeachment motion against him. There was fracas as many lawmakers were injured and properties destroyed.

       Apart from the vibrancy of the House due to the quality of its members and the respect they commanded from the executive, there were fond memories of interest groups in the House. Within the House, there existed lawmakers loyal to Kalu and those sympathetic to the then deputy governor, Chief Enyinnaya Abaribe, who was having a running battle with his boss.    This led to lobbying and horse-trading as it cut across both the PDP and APP camps.

 Infact , it was due to the caliber of lawmakers in the House that Abaribe survived three impeachment battles before he resigned. As a result of their independent – mindedness, most members were known to have suffered victimization. At a time, Speaker Enwerenmadu and majority of the lawmakers opposed to Kalu relocated to Abuja ,alleging that the state was no longer safe for them. Hon. Samson Orji also suffered suspension including threats from Kalu’s camp who saw him as an enemy to the governor.

           In the 2003 – 2007 dispensation which marked Kalu’s second term it was no surprise that he blocked most of the activist –lawmakers from returning to the House. There were imposition of candidates as Kalu was reported to have taken over the party structure to checkmate those who have the capacity to stand up to him. Party issues then became a family affair.

          Reacting to Kalu’s efforts to pocket the party, the Abia state secretary of the Civil Liberties Organization [CLO],Okechukwu Keshi Ukegbu said    “the idea behind the modeling of the legislature is that while it should not be an appendage of the executive branch, cooperation is crucial for the smooth running of government business. Such cooperation must not undermine the independence of the legislature. Kalu manipulated the system and handed party tickets to his cronies, who saw him as their benefactor. We all saw the results, the House soon lost its voice and became a “rubber stamp” to executive decisions”

       As some of the fiery lawmakers were stopped from being re-elected, the House soon lost its vibrancy Any opposition or scrutiny to executive bills were regarded as an affront to the government. It even attracted sanctions.

        The later part of Gov. Kalu’s reign where he had problems with ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo were the worst period in the history of the Abia House. The House couldn’t sit as Obasanjo known for his vindictiveness, was alleged to have sent the Nuhu Ribadu led Economic and Financial Crimes Commission[EFCC] on the Assembly    in order to arrest the speaker, Stanley Ohajuruka and other members in a bid to give Kalu the “Gov.DSP Alamaeyesigha treatment”. The plot then was to arrest members of the Assembly of any state governor who was not in Obasanjo’s good books, herd them to Abuja and force the impeachment of the governor. It worked in Plateau and Bayelsa states where Joshua Dariye and Deprieye    Alamaeyesigha were removed from office

        Commenting on the events of the era, a political analyst, Chibueze Kanu said, ”It is a known fact that with the way Kalu misgoverned the state in his second term,the1999-2003 House wouldn’t have hesitated    to remove him from office had he allowed most of them to return for the second term.”

        In the 2007-2011 session, the House still maintained its” rubber stamp posture” as Kalu was in control till the time he parted ways with his former godson, Theodore Orji in 2010. Though Gov. Orji’s style may be remarkably different from that of his predecessors, it is right to say that nothing much has changed as lawmakers can only comment on issues with caution.

         A source told Pointblanknews.com that members guard their comment on controversial issues to avoid suspension by the House. It was also alleged that some members got tickets because of their loyalty to their political godfathers and do not possess the capacity to sponsor bills/motions or even contribute to debates.

         An observer of the situation said most members prefer not to contribute during controversial issues, particularly on matters concerning the executives arm. This is mostly done to remain in the good books of the government or party.

       “There is another group who seem not to know what it means to be a legislator. the best they do is to chorus ”ayes” or ”nay” ,always tilting to the majority voice in any debate .their interest is to attend sittings of the house and wait for adjournments.”

        Pointblanknews investigations revealed that some of these class of lawmakers found themselves back to the assembly due to an alleged arrangement by the state PDP executive to return all incumbents during the last primaries. The arrangements worked in all constituencies except Umunneochi, Osisioma Ngwa South, Ukwa West, Aba South and Isiukwuato where Matthew Ibe, Ahamefula Onyeike, Chinedum Elechi, Nwogu Okoro and Monday Ejiegbu , respectively, couldn’t secure the support of the stakeholders in their various constituencies to stage a return to the house in the just concluded general elections.

In the present House, there are lawmakers like the deputy speaker , Ashiforo Okere ( Ukwa East) ;Ikechukwu Nwabeke (Osisioma Ngwa North), Leader of the House; Chidiebere Nwoke(Umuahia East) ; his deputy, Princewill Onyegbu (Bende South), Martin Azubuike (Isiala Ngwa North), Ikedi Ezekwesiri ( Umunneochi) and the Speaker, Ude Oko Chukwu (Ohafia North) who can enliven any debate through quality contributions on the floor of the House. One of the three female lawmakers , Kate Maduako ( Aba Central), once in a while, makes her presence felt. It is note worthy to state that most of these contributions must not be seen as being contrary to the position of the state government.

          As the House has attended many training workshops and seminars since inauguration, it is hoped that this will bring a positive impact on the quality of the legislation to move the state forward by performing oversight functions on the executive, and possibly relive the vibrant debates witnessed in 1999-2003 Assembly. Will the House be an appendage of the executive or prove its independence in policy matters? Abians are watching.