By Oscar Okhifo
The controversy over pipeline surveillance contracts in the Niger Delta is assuming a broader ethnic and political dimension following a fresh exchange between former militant leader Asari Dokubo and the Olu of Warri, Ogiame Atuwatse III.
The development followed Dokubo’s allegation that the Olu of Warri receives ₦2.7 trillion annually from the Federal Government for pipeline surveillance, a claim rejected by the monarch, who challenged him to produce documentary evidence.
The Olu’s Sole Representative and Liaison to the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) and its joint venture partners, Prince Collins Edema, said in a statement that the allegation was “categorically rejected”.
“We challenge Mr. Dokubo to produce the documentary evidence upon which this extraordinary claim is based,” Edema said.
He called for the relevant pipeline surveillance arrangements to be subjected to scrutiny, including the contracts, procurement processes, corporate records, government approvals, performance reports and regulatory documents.
“If there are concerns about a pipeline-security arrangement, the relevant contracts, procurement processes, corporate records, government approvals, performance reports and regulatory documents should be examined,” the statement said.
“If wrongdoing is alleged, the appropriate institutions should investigate and establish the facts. And if no wrongdoing is established, politically charged allegations should not be allowed to substitute for evidence.”
Dokubo’s allegation, made in a video circulating online, has not been accompanied by publicly produced documentary evidence supporting the ₦2.7 trillion figure.
Reports on the claim also indicate that Dokubo initially described the figure as a monthly payment before subsequently referring to it as an annual payment.
The latest dispute is not entirely new, as Dokubo has previously clashed with Government Ekpemupolo, popularly known as Tompolo, over the allocation and scope of pipeline surveillance contracts in the Niger Delta.
In 2022, Dokubo publicly questioned the exclusivity of an earlier coastal protection arrangement involving Tompolo, saying several former Niger Delta militant leaders had expected to participate.
Dokubo said he, Ateke Tom, Boyloaf, Egberipapa, Farah and other former militant leaders had met former President Goodluck Jonathan, who told them the coastal protection contract was for all of them.
“Many people have called me about Tompolo getting a contract. I do not have a problem with Tompolo having a contract, never, and I will never have a problem with Tompolo or any other person.
“Tompolo had been doing contracts, I never complained. Now, during the time of Goodluck (former President), he awarded through NIMASA a coastal protection contract to Tompolo, Amanyanabo Ateke Tom, myself, Boyloaf, Egberipapa, Farah and everybody went to meet with the former President and he said the contract was for all of us.
“And we left that place. We tried to communicate with Tompolo. He said the contract was exclusively his. We did not want to raise an eyebrow over the $144 million that they gave him per year. He did that contract for two years. He did not give anybody a dime.”
The earlier dispute underscored longstanding disagreements over who should participate in pipeline and coastal surveillance contracts, the areas covered by such arrangements and how economic benefits from oil-security operations should be distributed.
The One Love Foundation also sought details of the contract awarded to Tompolo under the Freedom of Information Act, including the contract letter, corporate registration documents, tax clearance, regulatory permits and other relevant records.
The latest controversy therefore comes against a history of disputes involving oil contracts, former militant leaders and competing claims over territory and economic opportunities in the Niger Delta.
It also comes against the backdrop of a longstanding and sometimes tense relationship between the Ijaw and Itsekiri communities, particularly in Warri and neighbouring oil-producing areas.
The relationship has historically been affected by disputes over land, political representation, resource control and access to economic opportunities. As a result, disagreements involving prominent figures associated with the two communities can carry broader sensitivities.
The emergence of the Olu of Warri in the latest pipeline surveillance controversy has consequently introduced an additional Itsekiri dimension to the dispute, particularly because the issue concerns oil resources and economic benefits in the Niger Delta.
The controversy has also prompted some observers to draw attention to First Lady Oluremi Tinubu’s Itsekiri maternal roots and her relationship with the Warri Kingdom.
Mrs Tinubu was publicly received by the Olu of Warri during her February 2026 homecoming to Warri, where she was conferred with a traditional title by the monarch.
Some observers have referred to that relationship while cautioning Dokubo against allowing the dispute to assume a wider ethnic or political dimension.
Some have also warned him against starting a “war” he may not be able to finish.
There is, however, no verified evidence that the First Lady has intervened in the dispute, directed the Olu’s response to Dokubo or played any direct role in the pipeline surveillance controversy.
Her documented connection to the current discussion is her Itsekiri maternal background and ceremonial relationship with the Warri Kingdom.
Meanwhile, the Olu’s representative has sought to shift the controversy away from personalities and towards documentary evidence.
“This is precisely why the debate should not be reduced to who is louder, more influential or more militant,” Edema said.
He argued that pipeline surveillance contracts should not be treated as ordinary commercial arrangements because the security of petroleum infrastructure has direct implications for crude oil production, government revenue, foreign exchange earnings and the wider economy.
Pipeline surveillance contracts have previously attracted scrutiny over their award, beneficiaries, contractual terms and effectiveness.
In 2022, the Senate endorsed a ₦48 billion pipeline surveillance contract involving Tompolo, with lawmakers saying the arrangement was helping to address oil theft and restore crude production.
The recurring disputes have nevertheless kept questions about transparency, accountability and the distribution of pipeline surveillance contracts alive.
The latest controversy has therefore renewed calls for relevant government agencies to clarify the financial and contractual arrangements surrounding pipeline surveillance operations across the Niger Delta.
Among the questions requiring clarification are how the contracts are awarded, the identities of the beneficiaries, the amounts approved and paid, the duration and scope of the agreements, and how contractors’ performance is assessed.
Such scrutiny could also establish whether the ₦2.7 trillion figure cited by Dokubo has any basis in official records.
For now, however, the allegation remains unsubstantiated, while the Olu’s camp has formally rejected it and challenged Dokubo to produce evidence.
The immediate question is whether Dokubo will respond with the documentary evidence demanded by the Olu’s representative.