Malam Ahmed Joda chaired President Muhammadu Buhari’s Transition
Committee, which interfaced with former President Goodluck Jonathan’s
team. In an exclusive interview, the ‘super permsec’ of the 1970s and
1980s, would not reveal any of the recommendations his committee made to
President Buhari. But he was forthcoming on the state of the nation and
the challenges the new government will face in the next four years. Malam
Joda was frank and witty in this explosive interaction.
Q: Can you recall your experience when you were appointed to head the APC
transition committee and your feelings over the appointment?
A: I really don’t know how I felt. I had gone to bed and there was a bang
on my door at about 1:30 am and I was naturally feeling sleepy and even
afraid that anybody should wake me up at that hour. But they persisted so
I opened the door and asked what it was and they said it was the
president-elect who wanted to speak with me. I woke up a little bit jolted
and the person who was on the telephone said the president-elect wanted to
speak to me but they couldn’t get me earlier so he had just gone up but
wanted to see you tomorrow. I do get surprises like that sometimes but I
went to bed and slept without knowing what he was calling me for. But I
guessed that it must be some kind of involvement in the transition, though
I didn’t know in what capacity. The next day I flew back to Abuja and met
with the president. He told me about my appointment as chairman of his
transition committee. I thanked him for the honour and privilege to serve
our country and that was it. He then gave me a letter with the terms of
reference attached and said I should do the work in two weeks and I made
two observations. That, for the size of the task the number of the members
was too small because I anticipated that we needed to set up a number of
specialized committees that would receive volumes and volumes of papers
from both the government and from other interested parties: the business
community, the society groups, individuals who felt they wanted to make an
input. He explained to me why the size of the committee was kept too low
and I said the time was too short, but he said I should try and do it. Our
first problem was where to meet and work; how to get the personnel that
would help to do the work, set up the secretariat and appoint the resource
persons, appoint rapporteurs and everything. It took us three days to find
a suitable area of buildings where we could do our work efficiently. We
then had to buy the computers and the necessary hard and software with
which to work. At the end of the first week we were ready to go and I had
my first meeting with the former secretary to the federal government after
one week of being appointed and we learnt that the government handover
notes, upon which our terms of reference were based, would not be
available to us until sometime in May, which would be four weeks after we
were appointed and two weeks after our mandate would have terminated. We
had to strategize to receive memoranda; sometimes even without invitation
there were a lot of memoranda coming from the public, trade groups,
chambers of commerce, industry experts whether oil or gas, agriculture or
electricity or transport, railway, waterways, port, harbours; everything
was coming. But there was nothing coming from the government and we did
not receive a single piece of paper until May 25, four days to the
handover. This came in many volumes amounting to 18,000 pages so we had to
set up our work groups and about five sub-committees. We spent the next
three to four days trying to sort these papers out and assigning them to
the various committees. We couldn’t start real work until the first of
June and we eventually submitted our report and our recommendations. on
Friday the last week to the president.
Q: Specifically, what were the major terms of reference given to your
committee?
A: Broadly speaking, we were to receive the handover notes from the
outgoing government, study the notes, analyze them and make
recommendations to the government on the economy specifically, on
governance, security, corruption, on ministries and departments of
government and agencies, defence; nearly everything you can think about.
Specifically, we had to look into revenue streams from NNPC, from Federal
Inland Revenue Service, Customs and other big corporations of government.
Q: In the course of your assignment were you under some kind of pressure
from people coming to lobby for one favour or the other?
A: There was a lot of that from people who wanted contract, who wanted to
be given special favours. They were coming to me day and night and I said
to them these are my terms of reference; they didn’t include things like
award of contracts or recovery of bad debts from government or for
employment of any group of people or individuals. I told them these were
not part of our terms of reference. But we continued to receive them and
nobody believed me when I said I could not appoint them ministers or
chairmen or whatever; they said look you have influence on Buhari and I
said I don’t have and even if I had I didn’t think he would respect me if
all I did was go to him with piles papers and saying he should do this
favour to this or that man or this or that woman. Also, I was inundated
with telephone calls. For example, somebody telephoned and after
introduction said he wanted to vie for the position of minister of sports.
I said well I don’t know the address to which you would send it to.
Q: Did you come under similar pressures from people connected with the
government of the past government who wanted to cover or influence certain
things?
A: No! Not one single case. I have had people coming to me to say they had
information about what went wrong, but I said to them we were not an
investigative panel, and even if we were given that term of reference we
would politely tell the president that we could not be investigators
because we didn’t know how to investigate and more importantly we didn’t
have time to undertake such investigations. But where people submitted
documents incriminating people we just put them in envelopes and sent them
to the relevant authorities.
Q: You said it was barely four days to May 29 when you received
communication from the past government’s transition committee. How did
that delay impact on your assignment?
A: Of course, it delayed our work because we were mainly to receive the
handover notes from ministries, departments and agencies of government.
But we could not receive them for five or nearly six weeks after our
appointment and, to that extent, our work was delayed. But as soon as we
realized that this was going to happen we devised methods of getting our
information because so much of this information is in the public domain.
The problem was that you couldn’t define the true situation in the
government.
Q: When you submitted your report to the president you called on Nigerians
to be patient with him over his cabinet appointments. What informed that
appeal?
A: Well, I was the chairman of the transition committee in 1979 when
General Obasanjo handed over to president Shagari. That handover was the
military deciding on their own to handover power back to the civilians.
They conducted the elections, accepted the outcome and decided to hand
over and go and rest. There was no acrimony between incoming and the
outgoing government because they were all polite and nice; it was smooth.
By the time I was appointed chairman the Obasanjo administration had set
up a complete office, furnished it and equipped it together with committee
and conference rooms. He had also appointed people from the civil service
and from the private sector to serve as rapporteurs, resource persons and
so on. All we needed to do was to walk into these offices and start work;
absolutely there was no problem. In 1999, I was on what Obasanjo called
Presidential Policy Advisory Group under the chairmanship of General T.Y
Danjuma and I was Number Two and the same thing happened. We had a
complete office block already made, vehicles and buses and our
accommodation had been booked and when you arrived everything was smooth,
including all the handing over notes were prepared on the first day. We
had everything. Now, this election is the first time in the history of
Nigeria that an opposition party had uprooted a ruling party. It was not
just changing the president or changing the members of the states or
national assemblies. We were all witnesses to the election campaigns, how
bitter it was. There were predictions that the country would collapse;
there were also all sorts of allegations and counter-allegations and the
environment was very hostile. People were expecting the worst, but God, in
His infinite mercies, diffused all the tension but, perhaps, the outgone
government did not expect to lose the election, I don’t know. They lost
the election and had to put up a brave face. I, as a person, I completely
understood the difficult situation emotionally they were in but the
meetings I had with both the SGF and Vice President Namadi Sambo were
extremely friendly. They offered me all the cooperation and we discussed
things as Nigerians. I personally decided that I was not going to enter
into any controversy or make the situation worse. In any case, whatever
they did or did not do would not likely affect the critical question of
the change of government on May 29. And if they didn’t give us any
information that information would be ours on that May 29. Therefore, I
worked on this basis and I think our committee accepted that way of doing
things instead of creating unnecessary additional tension to the political
environment.
Q: Was there any interface between your committee and some of the critical
sectors of the past government and if there wasn’t, how did you cope?
A: The situation was this: we were to receive the handing over notes,
study them and wherever necessary to seek clarifications from wherever,
whether ministers, civil servants or chairmen of boards or chief
executives of parastatals. But, like I told you, we did not receive those
notes in time and our terms of reference although extended by the
president limited us by the mere fact of our name ‘transition committee’.
On May 29, we could not be a transition committee because the transition
had ended. We did not want to ask for extension in order to be able to
interrogate the other government people. In any case the ministers had
gone and it would have been a complicated, probably expensive exercise to
bring them. We did not want to stay and nobody asked us to extend our time
to interrogate them so what we said in our report is that look in view of
the fact that the handover notes were delayed we did not have time to
interrogate, question or interact with any of the people of government;
therefore we leave this to the incoming government. In any case, it would
be an investigative thing by now and the government can do what it likes.
Q: What would you consider to be the greatest challenges you face in
carrying out this assignment?
A: Nigeria should be ready to face a lot of challenges. The biggest in my
view is corruption; it is everywhere. There is no department, no ministry
that can be said to be free of corruption. There is nowhere that fraud
does not take place on a daily basis. It has become embedded in the minds
of the people because the rule books have been thrown away and everybody
is doing what they like. Nobody follows the rules anymore. You employ
people anyhow and pay them anyhow and I think you in the media have a
fairly idea of what is going on and are surprised how bad things are. I
often wondered, since the beginning of this exercise, if the PDP and
president Jonathan had won the election what would have been the fate of
Nigeria. It would have been more difficult for them to face the challenge
because they had been telling people that everything was good; the roads
are good. They were not talking about the absence of light in the house,
but they were talking about the capacity to produce electricity is 12,000
megawatts out of which only 5,000 could be released. But even out of this
5,000 at the time they were doing the handing over notes only 1,300
megawatts were being generated, but they were talking about 35,000
kilometers of distribution lines and so on, but nobody told us the real
problem – that there is no gas, or there is no capacity to transmit the
electricity that could be generated; that even when it is delivered at the
point of distribution the distribution system is so weak that it can’t
take it. I personally didn’t know that until I got into this exercise.
Now, if they came back, they couldn’t wake up in the morning and say we
can’t pay salaries, we couldn’t do this or even pay contractors and might
even not be able to pay pensions and gratuities or finance any of our
operations. We were told at the beginning of the exercise that the
government was in deficit of at least N1.3 trillion and by the end people
were talking about N7 trillion; everything is in a state of collapse. The
civil service is bloated and the military and police, if you are a
Nigerian, you know what they have been facing for a long time; everywhere
is in a mess and these things have to be fixed. Now back to your question
about the delay of appointment of ministers and other key officials. These
are large numbers of people; in my experience as a civil servant one of
the most difficult tasks is to get a list of names to appoint to existing
appointments. Buhari, as a politician, knows a large number of people but
not intimately. They have come and joined the political party in which
there is Buhari and his knowledge of them can only be superficial. The
only people he will know intimately are his friends, his relations and
colleagues at work. But when you are forming a cabinet the Constitution
says the entire country must be represented. Now in Benue, for example,
there may be at least 20 to 30 people who can claim to be ministers and
who by their paper qualifications and working experience are suitable
materials for appointment but is that all you want from a minister? If
you want to know the integrity of a person, his performance at his
workplace, his relations with his workplace or even with his community and
other weaknesses he has, you have to have all these and analyze them. If
Buhari came to be president in Nigeria on his claim that he is a man of
very high principles, a man of integrity and courage, then you can’t go to
him as a leader of your community and say ‘Joda is a good man, appoint him
minister because he has his paper qualifications.’ You have to investigate
these things so that they meet, not only the criteria you laid down, but
your own expectation of the man; it needs some time. We have made
mistakes before; I have known of ministerial appointments during the
military days when they had announced the name of somebody is a similar
name to somebody else and the young man arrived to be sworn in or you
appoint a minister and suddenly something surfaces. I don’t know where you
were when Murtala was the head of state, but if you can go and read back
the newspapers of that time (August 1975) you will see that there were at
least two people in the military government; serving officers who had to
be replaced immediately because no checks were carried out on them. In the
past, when you were prepared to ignore security reports as had happened in
the recent past in Nigeria you can appoint anybody, but Buhari says he is
going to work with perfect people and the he appoints someone only to
discover a week later or a month later that there is really no way you can
keep him there; what happened? How did the man get there? But I am not
making excuses; I am talking to you as a former civil servant who has had
some experience of how things are done. For example, to appoint a chairman
of let’s say the cement company in Yandev or Ashaka; I was permanent
secretary industry and we had about 30 of such companies in which
government had majority shares at that time and we had to work on
assembling names for every one of these thirty companies. We had to
produce about 5 or 6 people times 30 and it was extremely difficult.
Because if I tell you I want somebody you will go and bring your friend or
schoolmates. It is unavoidable because you can only bring names of people
you know and politically there are people vying for these things.
Q: Having served as chairman of transition committee in 1979 and as again
as a member in 1999; now you have just chaired another transition
committee, what parallels can you draw from these?
A: By 1979 the civil service was still intact; it was largely efficient
and it had a tradition of being loyal to the government of the day for the
time being; it had not been politicized. People were not put there on
political basis, but largely on their merits and they were prepared and
willing to do their work. I served in the Gowon administration and in the
Murtala administration and that of Obasanjo, but none of them interfered
with the civil service. Now, I think we have been witnesses to what had
been the practice in recent years: permanent secretaries, directors of
departments, chief executives of parastatals were all appointed on the
basis of their party loyalty, if not affiliations. You could not survive
in the system if you were independent and it is also a demoralized
service; it is over-established and inefficient. So what happened in 1979,
I had left the service in April 1978, so all the people in government; the
permanent secretaries from the new head of service and the secretary to
the government down to directors were all people with whom I had worked
and who were junior to me in service. So it was easier for me to talk to
the SGF and HOS without any restraint at all and they told me the truth
and if the information is there they give it to me. The man who was now
permanent secretary in the cabinet office and who was liaising with my
committee was my deputy permanent secretary and if I had any problem I
called him and said, ‘George, I don’t have this. What is the matter?’ And
within the next one hour he would bring it; it is not so anymore and, like
I said, these were polite times when people recognized the government as
government, not the political party of the government. The chairman of the
defunct NPN, the late Adisa, was very powerful but he was also a gentleman
who understood how to handle people. Even if he wanted to discuss
sensitive political issues he did it in such a way that you cannot afford
not to listen to the man; it is no longer the same.
Q: Given the picture you have painted how challenging is the task before
the new administration?
A: I think the new administration has a pretty good idea but the situation
we are going to meet is going to be difficult. They should have prepared
themselves to face these challenges adequately. That is why it is
necessary for the government of Buhari to select those who would work for
him to be extremely careful of how they select the people who will be
doing the work for them; people who are willing and able to do the job and
who are capable of delivering the goods. These are people who must devote
themselves absolutely to the people of Nigeria and it is possible. It was
possible under Awolowo, it was possible under Sardauna. I was a very young
man of about 32 but I know now what I did not appreciate before that those
people – and I have worked with the two of them – were men who understood
their responsibilities and duties and they encouraged those who worked for
them to tell them the truth and nothing but the truth. It was possible for
me to go to Sardauna and tell him that a decision they had taken or this
action they had taken in my view was wrong and he would said sit down and
tell me why you think it is wrong and I would tell him. And if he agrees
with you he would thank you and if he doesn’t agree with you he would take
time to explain to you why he preferred his own decision to yours. I once
served in a committee in which Awolowo was chairman and I knew he felt
very strongly about a point why the committee was set up. When the
presentation was made to him in his office he didn’t allow the meeting to
continue because he said he now agreed that he didn’t know the basis of
that recommendation. It was like that; you don’t receive decisions from
above. I don’t know at what point a decision from above was invented, but
we never had it in our own vocabulary; everything had to be reasoned and
everything had to be recorded.
Q: Talking about the cost of governance, the new administration is
inheriting a battered economy with over bloated system of governance; what
do you think is the way out?
A: A lot of work needs to be done. I don’t know exactly how the budgeting
system operates now but up to the time I left you had a budget which
captured every item of expenditure. Go and look at the published budget
estimates of the sixties and up to the seventies and, if you look at it,
take the ministry of, say agriculture. You will find out that the top of
the line on the salary page one; minister, so much salary per annum; one
minister of state, salary is so much per month; one permanent secretary,
salary so much per annum. That is under the administration of the ministry
of agriculture; then you have senior assistant secretary at so and so much
per annum; ten assistant secretaries, so much per person per annum right
up to the cleaner everything is listed and when it was approved you could
not have a ghost worker because the salaries were clearly earmarked and
you could not employ unless there was vacancy. If there were supposed to
be ten assistant secretaries in an establishment but only eight in place
during the budget year you could employ not more that number to fill those
vacancies. But now you have a situation where you have only ten vacancies
but twenty people are employed; all the ten extra people are illegal and
are not covered by the budget and under what we used to call the finance
management Act it is a criminal offence to do that because you are
breaching the approved budget. How do you employ these people by getting
names from The Presidency that this or that man be appointed director in a
ministry which already had one director, but The Presidency or Senate or
House of Representatives or you have the senators and the members of the
House asking for contracts from ministries and parastatals, and if you
don’t give them the contracts they will put up an investigation against
you. So why government is bloated is because it is from the presidency,
from the ministers, from the senators, from the House of Representatives
and all these are because of this impunity from high places where
everybody feels that they would have their way. So unless you clean up
these things but the cleaning process cannot also be immediate because in
a situation whereby there is so much unemployment and the government says
it has sacked thirty or fifty thousand people, what is the public’s
reaction? If issue a press release to that effect everybody would be
angry. Therefore what I think the government can do is to sit down to see
how they can rationalize this whole thing. I believe there are so many
jobs to be done in Nigeria if we get our act right; that anybody you
remove from a ministry, for example, out of twelve or thirteen River Basin
Development authorities and if they are working they can dramatically
change the economic fortunes of Nigeria because instead of producing one
crop per year you can be producing three and people will be fully engaged
among which would not be the farmers alone but irrigation engineers,
irrigation technicians, it would be thousands of jobs. But all that you
have at the River Basin Development Authorities now are idle people with a
board of directors of about seven or eight members being paid allowances
and so no and so forth; guest houses, protocol and administration people,
financial people but no irrigation people. And there are so many engineers
in Nigeria who are either idle or underutilized all over the place. These
people can almost immediately put back to work and I am sure if you have
sensible projects for irrigation you can find the financing. Our railways
are not working but they could be made to work so you don’t need to sack
people there but at the moment all you are doing is to pay pensions and
salaries of people who are there idling away. Take Ajaokuta Steel Company;
it has been there for over thirty years doing absolutely nothing and
maintaining so many people. Why can it not be made to work? If there is
nothing for them to do there or at Alaja Steel or Kaduna Steel Rolling
Mill, Jos, Oshogbo; there are engineers there and instead of wasting there
get them to do something that is beneficial to the economy and to
themselves. You cannot have an engineer who is idle living there without
doing any engineering job for the next five years and still be called an
engineer. If a doctor doesn’t practice for five years he is not a doctor
for you to submit yourself to him. So the solution is sitting down to look
at the service as it is, rationalizing it and creating jobs; public works
where everybody gets engaged and the country see the results.
Q: Still on the cost of governance how would you react to reports over the
proposed N9billion allowances for national assembly members, a development
that this is generating controversy?
A: You know I am an old man and I am used to the old ways. When I was
permanent secretary here the premier of Northern Nigeria, the Sardauna you
hear about, and his house is there and you can go and look at it. It had
two bedrooms, one sitting room, one dining room, a kitchen and boys
quarters. The family lived in the boys quarters while he lived in the main
house. There was a conference room attached to the house and there was one
guest house where important visitors to Kaduna lived. He also had two
saloon cars and one other car attached to him; the two saloon cars were
there because if he was going on tour, say, an engagement in Kano or
Zaria if he insisted on getting there like say 5pm he insisted on keeping
to time because he didn’t want to keep people waiting. So if along the way
he had a puncture tyre he would not wait for it to be repaired so he jumps
into the second car and kept to time. They had to explain that to the
northern public as to why Sardauna had two cars. His office had no air
conditioners and when they said he must have an air conditioner he said no
it was a waste of money. And, he said, in any case I don’t like air
conditioner. Even when they insisted it was not necessarily for him,
sometimes for foreign dignitaries, he said no. So, until he died there
was no air conditioner in his office or house. The Governor, Sir Kashim
Ibrahim, after Sardauna got two cars. It was felt that he, too, as
governor should not have less, so he was given a second car and a pick up
van which was used to convey the family to the markets or if they were
going on a trip it conveyed food items and assistants. My first shock
after the military took over and Gongola was created and I was invited to
government house. When I got there I found about six cars with escort
vehicles, which Sardauna never had, and an ambulance with large convoy of
about a hundred people. If you go to Abuja today half of the governors are
there and the sort of expenditure in terms of allowances is so high. I was
permanent secretary from 1966 to 1978 and never had an official driver,
never had an official car, never had a cook, never had a gardener. I paid
my electricity bills and water rates. Of course, they gave me a house but
they would give you chairs and a dining table but no bed sheets, no
curtains, no pillows and pillow cases. What the government did for us was
that you could apply for a loan to buy a car and they would give you an
allowance that you could use the car for your official duties. There was
what was called the basic allowance; they gave you that and it took care
of fuelling and servicing the car, going to your office and back to your
house. But if you were in Lagos and had to go on official trip to Ibadan
they you applied for what was called touring advance and there was
somebody who knew the exact kilometers from Lagos to Ibadan, in those days
it was miles. They had a table and they would give you that money; Lagos
to Ibadan and Ibadan to Lagos and they said okay where would you go when
you get to Ibadan for your duty? If you went from Apatagangan to the
secretariat you were required to come back and explain how you spent the
money and if there was any surplus you returned it and in the case of an
over expenditure that you could justify they paid you. They didn’t just
give you N100,000 when you said you were going from Lagos to Kano as they
do now, though going to Kano and coming back may be N50,000. And if you
were working in Kaduna, for instance, you were not allowed to use
government vehicles to go to your village for a weekend or to a naming
ceremony or any social event. Today, I know people who go every weekend,
200 to 300 kilometers for purely personal affairs, not only for themselves
but with escorts, followers with three, four cars. Every trip might cost
N1million or even N2million; this country cannot afford to continue like
this. I don’t really know whether this can be solved. You said we want
fuel subsidy, but are you really getting fuel subsidy? Maybe in Abuja they
are selling it at N87 per liter but anywhere in-between Abuja and Kaduna
is N130 and who is getting it? I can tell you; they take the fuel to
Cameroon, Chad, Niger, Benin Republic and sell it three times the cost.
And what are you getting here? When you say you are selling N87 per liter
the meter is tempered with so that by the time you buy ten liters you
probably get only seven liters. And this fuel is not even delivered;
sometimes they just take the subsidy and go and they give it to the
black-market. So there is a lot to clean up.
Q: So how can we come out of this?
A: The government has to come out and tell the people of Nigeria this is
the situation we are in; in this sector this is what is happening and they
should put it in a way that people would see and understand it and
appreciate any decision they want to take. If they take the decision to
remove fuel subsidy this is the reason and they should so explain it not
just for a few but to the ordinary man to also know why he or she must pay
more and what are the benefits. There are a lot of tangible benefits that
can occur if the government can get out of this racket and apply the money
to do other things. Our schools are in bad shape and they may find the
money to fix the schools, the roads, provide drugs in the hospitals. But
if for policy reasons they cannot do it then they have to find the money
to do the other things which are necessary.
Q: There was the Steve Orosanya report during the tenure of Obasanjo that
recommended the merger and even scrapping of so many research agencies
that have outlived their usefulness. Do you think this is one of the ways
forward?
A: Let me first confess that I have heard a lot about the Orosanya report
but, unfortunately, I have not laid my hand on it. I have looked for it
and have been promised, but I haven’t gotten it so I don’t know the
details of its contents. But I was also engaged under the Obasanjo
dispensation to review government parastatals and agencies. Government, at
the beginning of our exercise thought that there were about just 500
parastatals and agencies, but by the time we finished our work there were
over 800. Some of them were established many years ago and have ceased to
have any relevance and they had no need to exist. They were forgotten and
the people remained there and they continued to be reflected in the budget
ant to be paid for. They should have been wound up and it was so
recommend. This is about fifteen years now and I don’t know what has
happened, but I have the impression that more are being more added. I
think the Orosanya report, if it has addressed these issues, should be
revisited and actions taken immediately. People, especially those out of
government, are too fearful of any suggestion that more unemployment would
be added in the market and an institution, no matter how irrelevant
employs people and they get paid but they are really not doing anybody any
good; not even for themselves. When you make people redundant you don’t
just throw them away, you should work out an exit for them. I remember
when I was growing up there was one small generator supplying electricity
to the European Quarters and it was so fragile that if there was raincloud
in the sky, with the possibility of thunder, there was a man employed to
go and switch it off so that it is not damaged by thunder. But this man
remained there even when electricity was expanded and got to the town, but
if there was a storm in Yola he would just go and switch it off; nobody
could tell him to do otherwise. This continued until well into the 1990s
when he died and that stopped. The same story in Yola; the toilet in Yola
Airport in the arrival departure hall was the cleanest in any airport in
Nigeria that I used to wonder why. If you went to Lagos Airport at that
time, or Port Harcourt, the toilets were always filthy and smelling but
reverse was the case at the Yola Airport; it was not only clean but always
smelling fresh. I discovered that the only reason was because this man was
so well trained by the European about cleaning toilets and so and he
maintained that standard until his death and if you go to Yola Airport now
it is like any other.
Q: After submitting your report to the president, were you still under
pressure from lobbyists for appointments into the new government?
A: Yes! When you came didn’t you see people here waiting for me? Wherever
I go; I came to Yola and went to my village on Sunday. There is no road to
my village. In the dry season, we just manage to go to the village. I went
to see my sister and the family and when I was going they collected CV’s
and gave me. I couldn’t throw them away so I continued to receive them by
telephones, by emails by text message.
Q: Given the enormous task ahead, what would you advise the president,
Buhari?
A: Well, I am not an adviser to the president. I was a chairman of his
transition committee and I have finished my work. He has the sole
responsibility of assembling his advisers to advise him on every aspect
and he can call on anybody in Nigeria to help him do this task. I am
thinking of writing-if you people will agree to publish-some of my
thoughts of what should happen. But I don’t think I am entitled to be
writing to the president every day to say this is what he should do or not
do. He is receiving too much of that kind of advice.
Culled From Daily Trust