June 25, 2015
The events since the inauguration of Nigeria’s 8th National Assembly are
not trending exactly like the making of the change the world had hoped for
when Muhammadu Buhari was elected president. The opposition is already
weakened and compromised. Party indiscipline, which had been a cancer of
past regimes, is now full grown. The discredited corrupt oligarchy of
Nigeria’s Legislature once more appears primed to dictate the content
and character of the much anticipated change. And the very enemies of the
change are having a blast.
It is a common knowledge that any democracy with a weak opposition
activity is prone to dictatorship. It is no wonder then that most
political insiders in Nigeria—including two reliable barometers of
military opinion in the persons of Olusegun Obasanjo and Ibrahim
Babangida—have agreed that the country’s history with weak opposition
fundamentally led to past leadership crises—from electoral
irregularities, lack of checks and balances, mismanagement of resources,
corruption, dictatorship, impunity, ineffective leaders to chances of
military takeover of government.
These true statements explain why well-meaning Nigerians as well as the
international community roared in jubilation when a strong opposition
party, the All Progressive Congress (APC), was born. The euphoria brimmed
as the country witnessed in the 2015 election campaign the closest
semblance of a true democratic culture. For the first time in our
national life, instead of mass revolt or the military alternative, the
opposition was finally able to replace an inept party in power. This
historic victory saw us bubbling with renewed hope like never before. We
had hoped to witness true change in the business of governance. We had
hoped for a return of discipline in the society as well as consequences
for bad behavior. Until June 9th!
Like June 12th, 1993 before it, June 9th, 2015 was another fateful day in
which fears eclipsed hope. It was the day that treacherous disease that
has been tormenting Nigeria since 1999 reared back its ugly head. I mean
the day the main opposition party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), in
an embarrassing dexterity, and to the chagrin of a deserving society,
suddenly abandoned its new role and wangled to become a part of the
ruling party by default. The implication is that the very hope of
instilling essential components of democracy in the new administration,
such as party discipline, dynamic competition, choice politics, and
checks and balances has taken a dramatic nose dive.
To add salt to the injury, the PDP has been indiscreetly obtuse with
ceaseless media campaign to whip up public support. Their army of cohorts
triggered the debate by comparing the events of June 9th to the First and
Second Republics where leadership positions in the legislature were
shared with opposition parties. But it is clear they are viewing the
history from a rear view mirror. Unlike the chicanery of the 8th Senate,
the past examples were products of mutual party agreements. The PDP has
also been peddling the manner the Hon. Aminu Tambuwal became Speaker of
the House of Representatives in 2011 as an ancient similarity to the June
9th. But what has consistently escaped their memory is that, not only did
Tambuwal emerge in the full view of the entire body, the legislator was a
bonafide member of the ruling party as at the time. Sum it this way:
Unless in cases of coups, the world wide history is yet to prompt any
democratic nation where a losing party fudged itself into the leadership
of a new government without the consent of the ruling party.
The most disingenuous yet is the archaic attempt by opposition elements
to overheat the polity by injecting tribal sentiments into the debate,
tossing the Igbo nation as an unfortunate bet. But the Igbos should not
fall for the show of shame this time. It is an old movie.
Even worse, the leadership of the Legislature under the new government is
also a product of gross party indiscipline, leading to untold level of
political treachery and unholy alliances. The challenges of party
indiscipline are well chronicled in democratic history. For example,
Senator Jibril Aminu, after analyzing the crises facing the country,
lamented in 2011 that lack of party disciple within his political party,
PDP, was the main problem with Nigeria. Not long after, April 27th, 2012
to be exact, a serving National Security Adviser, General Andrew Owoye
Azazi, shocked the world by revealing that the Boko Haram menace is
indeed as a result of lack of internal democracy within PDP—the then
ruling party. This type of relationship is what the famous Italian
political scientist, Giovanni Sartori, probably had in mind when he wrote
in 1976 that that any value system that is exhibited by the political
parties, particularly the ruling party, has direct consequences on the
entire society.
The salutary lesson here is that the political party is a picture-perfect
genre of our everyday life. It also goes to say that the nature of
discipline or even of democracy within the political parties is organic
and usually permeates both the public and private sectors. It is not
surprising then that the current leadership of the Legislature has
already become a hybrid of the very corrupt cabal that Nigerian masses
swept out on March 29th, 2015. The ruling party APC must therefore
recognize that any hope of delivering the desired change without
restoring discipline within the party ranks is only a pipe dream.
The tragedies of the leadership of the Legislature are a dizzying tale.
And to continue to enumerate them here does nothing but further ridicule
the notion of common sense. The simplest takeaway is that the act of
indiscipline must be confronted head on. Any nation where anything goes,
goes no where.
To conclude this piece without admonishing President Muhammadu Buhari is
akin to performing a sanguine Igbo ritual without the presence of a
vulture. Yes, it is gladdening to learn that the president has tacitly
accepted responsibility for his perceived indifference to the leadership
of the National Assembly, which some impostors had exploited in attempt
to betray our change. But that is not enough. Moving forward, Buhari has
to realize that the era of passing the buck ended on May 29th, 2015.
Regardless of the location of the crisis, whether in the executive,
legislative, judicial branch or any part of the country, for that
matter—be it a APC, APGA or PDP state—the President and
Commander-in-Chief of the Nigerian Armed Forces is expected to own the
crisis and influence the desired change. The Executive branch in
successful democracies, including that of the United States of America,
also influences the leadership of the Legislature as well as that of the
Judiciary.
Yet, Buhari deserves some sympathy on two grounds. First, having said
that he would not meddle with the affairs of the Legislature, he does not
want to appear to be vacillating back and forth. At the same time, the
president has to remember that not only is leadership a dynamic process,
it is also contingent upon the prevailing environment. Effective leaders
are pragmatic and, where and when necessary, can be influenced by what
are objectively desirable in the particular environment and, in course,
find ways to shift from their individual core beliefs. Even as it is
vitally important for leaders to be unwavering in their convictions, any
conviction should be able to advance the greater good, if it is to
translate to effective leadership. Blind following of ideology is another
name for dogmatism and can easily lead to destructive leadership.
Second, the president is trying to walk a fine line between the nuances
of control and the perceived freedoms of democracy, including separation
of power among the three arms of government. The thinking is to avoid
evoking a choking nostalgia of his military regime, unfairly defamed by
the opposition during the presidential campaign. Yet, it is interesting
to note that the same opposition has emerged as the loudest cheerleader
of the president for removing himself from the leadership crisis rocking
the Legislature. But the general from Daura is an old soldier. He does
not need to be told that relying on enemy command is a recipe for
disaster. a
The fact of the matter is that, contrary to what the opposition wants us
to believe, Nigerians are under Buhari’s government and the president
has to be fully involved. Effective leadership is the ability to
successfully integrate and maximize available resources within the
internal and external environment in line with organizational or societal
values, standards, and goals and objectives. The process in this case
entails being able to influence all segments of the polity towards
greater good. Passing the buck has the tendency to stoke a series of
excuses. A habit of excuses, as my father would say, is an existential
catalyst for failure.
Finally, President Buhari has to be very careful not to squander his
overflowing goodwill. He must not undercut the core attributes that
endeared him back to the masses. The history beckons on him to lead by
reinforcing the original credo of our change. The most compelling way
forward is to confront the gross indiscipline that is not only tearing
the ruling party apart but also undermining his agenda proper.
*Ogbonnia, a leadership scholar, writes from Houston, Texas